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Bioregional Organizer Case study

Comunidad Indigena José Luis Caniulef

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📍 Parques de Afunalhue, 4930000 Villarrica, Araucania, Chile

A Mapuche community in southern Chile working to document environmental changes, strengthen biocultural memory, and develop regenerative land management practices through the integration of traditional knowledge and scientific approaches.

Bioregional Context

Located in southern Chile at the boundary of the Los Ríos region, within the traditional Wallmapu territory. The area is characterized by high biodiversity, abundant water bodies, and evergreen forests. Situated near the Pacific Ring of Fire, with cultural and ecological significance tied to active volcanoes, particularly the Villarrica volcano.


Background

The Comunidad Indígena José Luis Caniulef descends from people who moved inland from Lican Ray on Lake Calafquén centuries ago. The name Caniulef—“fast vultures,” perhaps from spring flocks—stuck to this river-crossed forest. The place is Afunalhue: in Mapudungún, afu is what has ended or rotted and alhue is soul—a name for souls that once were here and no longer are, echoing traces of earlier inhabitants when the family arrived.

The community sits in Wallmapu (Mapuche territory from ocean to ocean), at the edge of Chile’s Los Ríos region, near the Villarrica volcano, on 562 collective acres in the Pacific Ring of Fire.

After the War of the Pacific, Chile and Argentina’s campaigns stripped and partitioned territory; roughly 10% stayed with Mapuche communities. Forests fell for export; later, dictatorship-era pine plantations and climate stress fed thirty years of megafires. At the head of the Cruces basin, Afunalhue faces tourism pressure, parcel sales, deforestation, polluted lakes, and mining—patterns repeated across southern lake country.

Origins and Network

José Luis Caniulef filed to protect Mapuche lands under Chilean law as the state pressed dispossession. José Luis Caniulef Huanquimil—leader and father of present members—defended the land on horseback and went to Santiago to secure title against Spanish-descended settlers.

About 67 people, average age near 50, contend with illness, aging and outmigration, weak territorial planning, frayed participation, poverty and few jobs, and fading biocultural memory. On collective land they farm, host visitors, and keep bees.

Post-pandemic, the Afunalhue Project (2021–) asks how Indigenous knowledge and ecology can together track change and build resilience. It has Ministry of Science funding across three linked lines of work.

Activities

Oral History Collection and Memory Mapping

Traditional Ecological Knowledge Storying Place

In trawün (community meetings), elders remembered when *pitrales* and *gualves*, *canelos* and *lumas* dominated the land—recorded in this account—along with stories of change, place, and legends such as the Girl of the Radales, who appears to those who walk the radal groves. Memory work recorded sharp losses: puma, skunk, monito del monte, burrowing owl, and other beings elders knew from lived experience. Legendary fires turned routine; crops sometimes burned before harvest while families fought only to save houses. As one elder observed: “Before, the puma could be found in any sector, because there was more forest and houses were far apart... we were living in a space where we coexisted with wildlife” (elder testimony). That reality had changed sharply, calling for a coordinated response. The project also built a documentary archive of territorial memory and linked youth to ancestors. Naming dozens of plants, animals, and relations, the community still carries biocultural depth that can ground regeneration.

Ecological Assessment and Monitoring

Citizen or Community Science Ecological Monitoring Geographic and Ecological Mapping

In 2022, researchers and community members sampled macroinvertebrates in three Cruces tributaries—Colico, Afunalhue, and Petrohue. Stream quality varied by site: Afunalhue and Petrohue scored good quality; Colico was slightly degraded. Names carry history: *Cudico* suggests dirty water; *Colico*, yellow water. Camera traps showed a skewed roster: six of nine species exotic—dogs, cats, sheep, cattle, rodents—versus three native. Native fox and güiña (kodkod) still appear as hopeful signs. The work sets baselines and indicator species for later comparison. The community mapped currents across the territory, tracing contamination. At least four flows remain in good ecological condition; Coihueco stream shows degradation. Watershed characterization links local flows to neighboring areas and tracks shifts in species and water quality.

Community Engagement and Education

Learning Programs Citizen or Community Science

At Colegio Virgen de la Candelaria, workshops linked students to their environmental heritage. Young people sampled macroinvertebrates, set camera traps, and—with great student amazement—saw güiñas and foxes on screen for the first time though they had lived beside those habitats. They debated how domestic animals affect native fauna and sketched responses. By the close, many children held ecological ideas that had eluded some adults. Dialogues surfaced urgent worries: water access (“I have to wait eight days for water delivery because I need the water”), rising river pollution, land pressure from newcomers, social friction (practices, consumption, trash, noise, loose dogs), and cultural loss—fewer yayipun ceremonies, palín games, and collective celebrations.

Participatory Strategy Development

Participatory Strategies Governance Bodies

To move past only fighting emergencies, the community began a participatory strategy in 2021—spanning community, commune, region, and beyond, with an eye on water that reaches the sea: regeneration imagined from community to ocean. The aim is a ten-year-plus plan that aligns community priorities with regional institutions; maps who lives there and where to act; keeps students connected to territory; weaves internal networks for new leadership; resonates with other bioregions; and uses ecosystem thinking as its backbone. Beyond productivity-focused census categories, they built tools for household economy and composition, health, ecological knowledge, resource practices, culture and sport, and intent to stay in Mapuche territory. With Ministry of Science support and three ecological funds, they advance land-use mapping, endemic forest restoration, family finance renewal, and community-led implementation.

Vision and Legacy

The project has strengthened bonds under pressure. One elder likened rivers to community life: waters branch and reunite, sometimes stall, then move—history, memory, and ties remain the channel that orients them.

What helps: spaces for youth, intergenerational work, and treating social knowledge, science, and education as one fabric—transdisciplinarity as a basis for regeneration. Leading from the territory and earning trust matters; so does moving from transactional ties or “being voters” to active stewardship.

Hard parts include sharing technical results where many elders do not use phones or read. Dependence on external corporate-style funding risks cycles of obligation; the community wants stronger local finance rather than serving as a “last fix” for global harm. Participation can stay reactive; capacity stays thin without money; technical language is hard to land; and loss of Mapuche practice complicates intervention.

The horizon is still clear: work across scales, follow water to the sea, and hold regeneration as shared work—neither simple nor one single agenda, but anchored in consensus that gives the effort meaning.

Sources

Type Name Source
Video El lewfu que volverá a correr